By Rob Waldeck

While serving as Israel’s Defense Minister under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Ehud Barak maintained a years-long relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that extended into financial dealings, according to emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D). Barak continued to meet with the convicted sex offender during his ministerial tenure, often arranging encounters with Epstein while on official travel.

At one such meeting in early 2013 at Epstein’s New York mansion, Barak disclosed Israeli military attack plans to the disgraced financier. Days later, Epstein displayed a whiteboard sketch of the plans and described them to celebrity guests on two separate occasions, according to eyewitness interviews, corroborating statements, and previously unreported documents and emails.

The meeting coincided with Netanyahu’s growing concern that Syria might lose control of its chemical weapons stockpile. Emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) confirm that Barak was traveling in his official capacity at the time.

It remains unclear whether the Netanyahu government was aware of or authorized Barak’s disclosures to Epstein. However, earlier exclusive reporting by The (b)(7)(D) revealed that Netanyahu’s office was fully aware of sexual misconduct allegations against Barak. Top aide Ron Dermer became involved in efforts to shield Barak from press scrutiny after Virginia Giuffre alleged to the Daily Mail that Epstein had required her to have sex with Barak twice and had provided other girls to the former prime minister. Barak has consistently denied all claims of sexual impropriety connected to his friendship with Epstein.

The emails, documents, and interviews represent the first evidence that Epstein not only cultivated relationships with sitting government officials but also obtained classified information from them. Together, they underscore Epstein’s extraordinary ability to forge and sustain ties with global power brokers.

Newly released emails provided to The (b)(7)(D) by transparency organization Distributed Denial of Secrets reveal that Jeffrey Epstein and Ehud Barak maintained regular contact from at least 2005 through 2016. The correspondence documents a sustained pattern of engagement that persisted throughout Barak’s tenure as Israel’s Defense Minister, underscoring the continuity of their relationship during a period of official government service.

TAURUS ISRAEL FINANCIAL VENTURES, LTD.

Barak told The Daily Beast that he was first introduced to Jeffrey Epstein by former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres in 2002. Their contacts continued after Barak returned to the Israeli cabinet as Defense Minister in 2007.

An email obtained by The (b)(7)(D) shows that Epstein met with Barak’s wife, Nilli Priell on February 7, 2008 to discuss a potential contract for her firm, Taurus Israel Financial Ventures, Ltd. The draft agreement proposed that Priell identify business opportunities for Epstein in Israel, with Epstein paying her company a $30,000 annual fee plus an unspecified percentage of any successful deals.

Epstein’s longtime attorney Darren Indyke prepared a memorandum with comments on Priell’s proposal, which Groff then forwarded to Priell, emails show. It remains unclear whether a deal was finalized or payments made to Taurus. Facing political pressure, Priell shut down the company later in 2008.

Newly discovered emails, recently reported on by Drop Site News, show that before Barak returned to government, Epstein was deeply involved in a contract between the Wexner Foundation and the former prime minister. Under the agreement, Barak was commissioned to produce two manuscripts and several lectures. The foundation ultimately paid him $2.3 million for two reports.

Priell also arranged calls and visits between Epstein and her husband. In a 2008 exchange between Priell and Epstein’s assistant Lesley Groff, records show that Barak shifted the venue for a planned meeting from Epstein’s Paris apartment to Barak’s hotel, citing security concerns. The (b)(7)(D) could not confirm whether the Paris meeting ultimately took place.

Barak sought meetings with Epstein multiple times during during official travel. In the summer of 2012, Israel’s relationship with the United States deteriorated over what to do about Iran’s nuclear program. The tensions reached a peak in mid‑September 2012, when Netanyahu publicly demanded that Washington establish a “red line” for military action if Iran refused to curb uranium enrichment. The ultimatum alarmed both Obama and UK Prime Minister David Cameron.

After President Obama declined Netanyahu’s offer to meet during the Israeli prime minister’s visit to the opening of the U.N. General Assembly in New York, Barak flew to the United States to deliver a critical back‑channel message. He chose to meet Rahm Emanuel, Obama’s former chief of staff who had recently been elected mayor of Chicago.

Press reports at the time said Barak was carrying a message directly from Netanyahu—that the prime minister was “not attempting to interfere in the U.S. elections on behalf of Mitt Romney.” Barak met Emanuel one‑on‑one at City Hall, according to an internal scheduling document obtained by The (b)(7)(D).

Despite the critical nature of the meeting, Barak sought to use his official travel to arrange a meeting with Epstein. Emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show Priell emailing Epstein’s trusted executive assistant Lesley Groff on September 18, two days before Barak’s Chicago meeting with Emanuel, seeking a “solo meeting with Jeffrey before Monday.”

Groff emailed back the same day, saying that “Jeffrey says he is free to meet with Ehud anytime from Friday September 21st onwards . . . so whatever is most convenient for Ehud!” Epstein’s executive assistant added “please do let me know what suits his schedule best and we will do it.”

Previously unreported official scheduling documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that Barak left the entirety of Saturday, September 22 open. Whether a meeting with Epstein actually took place remains unclear.

THE JAMAYA PLAN

In January 2013, Barak traveled to Washington for consultations with U.S. officials. He also planned to go to New York according to an email obtained by The (b)(7)(D).

Days later, Epstein invited comedian Bobby Slayton to dinner. Previously unreported emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) indicate that Slayton had been working since late 2012 to arrange a gathering for Epstein that would include comedy luminaries Woody Allen, Lewis Black, and David Brenner.

In an exclusive interview with The (b)(7)(D), Slayton told The (b)(7)D) that he recalls the September 10 email to Groff but no longer has a copy. He added that at the time, “no one knew about Epstein as they know now.”

Slayton told The (b)(7)(D) that he was in New York a few days before the dinner, which ultimately took place on January 23, 2013, according to tweets from his account.

Two days before the dinner, Slayton told The (b)(7)(D) he went to Epstein’s Upper West Side mansion for breakfast to “pay his respects,” likening the visit to the way Frank Sinatra once paid respect to Chicago mobster Sam Giancana. At the breakfast, Slayton recalled Epstein saying he had recently met with the former prime minister of Israel, who had shown him potential plans for an upcoming attack. Epstein told Slayton, “this is what Israel is thinking about doing next week.” According to Slayton, Epstein displayed a whiteboard with a drawing of the plans and said the material seemed important, so he did not erase it.

Comedian Lewis Black later recounted the dinner on the They Might Be Drunk podcast, describing how Epstein had a whiteboard covered with diagrams. Black said Epstein told him that Israel’s defense minister had been at his home for dinner and had shown him military plans and defenses. Black concluded, “something is wrong in this house,” and declined subsequent invitations. Slayton confirmed Black’s account to The (b)(7)(D). A representative for Black did not respond to requests for comment.

This was not the first time Epstein leveraged his proximity to Barak for social ends. In 2006, Epstein emailed a Golden Globe–nominated actress with multiple stage, screen, and television credits, telling her that “Ehud Barak, the former Prime Minister of Israel, … has asked to meet me at my house in NY.” A later email shows the actress declined to attend. The (b)(7)(D) does not name potential victims. A press agent for the actress did not return a request for comment.

Epstein also emailed another female acquaintance, urging her to come by after she finished at a studio because he had “interesting people” visiting on April 4, 2013—including Ehud Barak, Lord Mandelson, and Mort Zuckerman. It remains unclear whether the woman, who The (b)(7)(D) is not naming, attended the dinner.

On January 30, seven days after the Slayton dinner, Syria announced that Israeli jets had struck a chemical weapons facility near the village of Jamaya. Western officials claimed the target was anti‑aircraft missiles being transferred to Hezbollah proxies in Lebanon.

Days later, Barak obliquely confirmed that Israel was behind the strikes. Asked if there was any reason Barak would reveal such plans, a senior Western non‑proliferation official—speaking anonymously to discuss sensitive but non‑classified information—told The (b)(7)(D): “Apart from personal reasons, no I can’t.

By Rob Waldeck

Email messages released last month by the U.S. House Oversight Committee shed new light on the 2011 allegations that Ehud Barak worked to suppress from appearing in the Mail on Sunday’s coverage of Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell’s sex‑trafficking operation.

As detailed in a previous exclusive from The (b)(7)(D), Barak enlisted the help of Ron Dermer, then chief aide to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to deflect the claims. Dermer drafted a statement that Barak’s Defense Ministry press aide passed along to the newspaper. The Mail on Sunday quoted the statement and withheld the damaging allegations about Barak.

The accusations surfaced publicly only nine years later, when a court filing revealed that Virginia Giuffre had also accused Epstein of trafficking her to Barak. Barak has consistently denied any wrongdoing in connection with his long association with Epstein.

Giuffre’s posthumous memoir, Nobody’s Girl, released in October, revisited those claims. She wrote that she had “taken pains to describe in legal filings only as a well‑known Prime Minister.”

The newly released emails also show how the Mail on Sunday’s initial requests for comment on Epstein’s alleged trafficking of women to powerful men reverberated through both Epstein’s inner circle and the highest levels of the Israeli government. Their coordinated response proved effective: Epstein would evade justice for another nine years, and Maxwell for thirteen. During that time, Epstein continued banking with JPMorgan Chase, while Barak remained in Netanyahu’s government until his retirement in 2013.

As first reported by The (b)(7)(D), Barak soon turned to Epstein for business connections in Russia and the Middle East after leaving office.

“HI SHARON”

The Mail on Sunday stories were driven largely by the reporting of American journalist Sharon Churcher. Churcher learned Giuffre’s name from Florida attorney Brad Edwards, who represented several of Epstein’s victims. She then contacted Giuffre’s father, who in turn alerted Virginia to the reporter’s interest.

According to Giuffre’s memoir, she emailed Churcher from her home in Australia on February 4, 2011: “Hi Sharon, my father, Sky Roberts, informed me of your call and I thought I’d send you my contact details so we can get in touch.”

Churcher soon flew to Australia to interview Giuffre, where she obtained a copy of the now‑infamous photograph showing then‑Prince Andrew with his arm around Giuffre’s waist as Ghislaine Maxwell looked on.

That meeting produced a series of stories that propelled the Epstein scandal into global headlines. The first, titled “Prince Andrew and the 17‑Year‑Old Girl His Sex Offender Friend Flew to Britain to Meet Him,” appeared in the Mail on Sunday on February 27, 2011.

The Mail on Sunday was preparing another scoop for its March 7, 2011 edition—this time centered on allegations that Epstein had trafficked Giuffre and other young women to powerful men. Among those named was Ehud Barak, then serving as Israel’s Defense Minister in Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.

Barak was a pivotal figure in sustaining Netanyahu’s fragile majority. In mid‑January 2011, after learning that rebels within his own Labor Party were plotting to oust him as leader, the former Prime Minister broke away with several allies. Their defection allowed him to join Netanyahu’s coalition, shoring up a slimmer but more stable governing majority.

Virginia Giuffre’s decision to speak with Churcher in 2011 posed a direct threat to the fragile Barak–Netanyahu alliance. The Mail on Sunday turned to Matthew Kalman, its veteran foreign correspondent in Jerusalem, to seek Barak’s response.

A March 4, 2011 email, published exclusively by The (b)(7)(D), shows that efforts to counter the allegations reached the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office. Ron Dermer, Netanyahu’s top aide, sent the Ministry of Defense spokesperson a response to the Daily Mail’s inquiries.

The email—obtained by the transparency group Distributed Denial of Secrets—was sent from Dermer’s personal account. It included a statement addressed to Kalman, denying the allegations and threatening legal action.

The precise nature of the claims the Mail on Sunday was pursuing remained unclear until the recent release of Epstein estate documents by the House Oversight Committee. According to emails released by the committee, on March 4, shortly after Kalman’s inquiry, Annette Witheridge—a British reporter based in New York and writing for the Mail on Sunday—telephoned Brett Jaffe, one of Ghislaine Maxwell’s attorneys.

Witheridge followed up with an email stating that the paper planned to run a story on Maxwell and her role in the Epstein saga. Her questions drew on the complaint in Jane Doe No. 103 v. Epstein and included allegations that Jane Doe No. 103—Giuffre—had been required by Maxwell and Epstein to have sex with several men, among them Ehud Barak.

Witheridge’s email contained further allegations about the former Israeli Prime Minister: “Ms. Maxwell and Mr. Epstein arranged for Ehud Barak to have sex with several girls, often at Epstein’s Palm Beach house.” She added a blunt reminder of the paper’s urgency: “Our deadline is noon tomorrow.”

”FAMILY”

Witheridge’s email quickly rippled through Epstein’s circle, passing from lawyers to Maxwell, then to Epstein, and finally to then-Prince Andrew. Jaffe first forwarded the message to another Maxwell attorney, Mark S. Cohen, who relayed it to Maxwell. She in turn passed it to Epstein, who shared it with his close friend, Harvard Law professor Alan Dershowitz.

Maxwell also forwarded the email to Andrew. The royal fired back a panicked reply: “Hey there! What’s all this? I don’t know anything about this! You must SAY so please. This has NOTHING to do with me. I can’t take any more of this.”

After the Mail on Sunday ran its story, Maxwell enlisted two public relations firms to protect her reputation. The first, Acuity Reputation Ltd., was based in London; the second, the Dilenschneider Group, operated out of New York.

On March 9, Acuity’s managing partner Ross Gow emailed Maxwell to report that he had been coordinating with Dilenschneider. He noted that the New York firm had already sent a statement to the New York Post and that both firms were preparing a joint release for the following day.

On March 10, Ross Gow issued a statement on Maxwell’s behalf, denying the “various allegations that have appeared recently in the media” and warning that newspapers faced potential legal action. That same day, the Daily Mail published Epstein’s phone logs. Gow also circulated updates by email to Maxwell’s family members and close associates.

The night the Daily Mail published its Prince Andrew story, Epstein received a message from Jes Staley, his close friend and then‑CEO of JPMorgan Chase’s investment bank. Staley wrote: “You have paid a price for what you have been accused… But we know what u have done for us. And we count you as one of our deepest friends. And one of the most honest of people.”

Epstein replied with a single word: “Family.”

SUGAR DADDY

The following Monday, Vanity Fair published a glowing profile of Epstein and Maxwell by Vicky Ward. Her piece, “Jeffrey and Ghislaine: Notes on New York’s Oddest Alliance,” described Maxwell as “the most interesting, the most vivacious, the most unusual person in any room.” Ward even acknowledged her personal admiration: “Full disclosure: I like her. Most people in New York do. It’s almost impossible not to.”

Ward’s assessment was strikingly optimistic: “I suspect her loyalty to friends like Bill Clinton will keep her in good stead and, in the end, she’ll be out and about as always.”

Maxwell quickly forwarded the article to Epstein, who was delighted. Within hours, he passed it along to Jes Staley. Staley then shared a link to the piece with JPMorgan Chase executive Jonathan Schwartz, deputy to the bank’s general counsel, Stephen Cutler.

Unbeknownst to Epstein, JPMorgan Chase’s anti‑money‑laundering unit had been pressing since January for the bank to cut ties with him. Early that month, senior compliance executives convened a “rapid response” review aimed at urging general counsel Stephen Cutler to reconsider Epstein’s status as a client.

In one January email, a senior JPMorgan AML executive flagged large payments Epstein had made to two 18‑year‑old women and several models, bluntly labeling him “Sugar daddy!”

Bank executives were closely monitoring the Mail on Sunday and Daily Mail coverage. On March 7, Stephen Cutler emailed his deputy, Jonathan Schwartz, asking whether he had spoken with Jes Staley about Epstein. Schwartz replied with an update, pointing to the latest Mail on Sunday stories.

The following day, Epstein forwarded Vicky Ward’s Vanity Fair profile to Staley. Staley passed the link to Schwartz, who in turn sent it on to Cutler.

By mid‑March, Epstein appeared to sense trouble with JPMorgan. On March 11, he emailed Jes Staley to ask whether there was a problem with a letter of credit the bank had issued for his modeling agency, MC2 Model Management, LLC.

A few days later, Epstein wrote again, telling Staley he was “working on getting steve cuttler [sic] the comfort he needs.” Staley replied simply: “Agree.”

”suprisee suprise”

As Cutler weighed Epstein’s future as a client, the financier had one last card to play. JPMorgan executives had been pressing for a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On March 23, Roy Navon, managing director of the bank’s Israeli branch, emailed Jes Staley: “Against all odds, we have been granted a meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu.”

Twenty‑one minutes later, Staley forwarded the news to Epstein in a one‑word message: “Thanks.”

Epstein emailed back “surprisee surprise” [sic]. An Israeli government spokesperson did not respond to an emailed request for comment on why Netanyahu agreed to a meeting apparently brokered by Epstein. Netanyahu’s former top aide, Ron Dermer, likewise did not respond to a request for comment.

After Netanyahu agreed to meet with JPMorgan bankers, Epstein’s relationship with the bank endured for another two years. Following several meetings between Epstein and general counsel Stephen Cutler, JPMorgan chose to retain him as a private‑bank client—only severing ties in 2013.

Barak announced his retirement from politics in late 2012. His last day as Minister of Defense was March 19, 2013.

Emails previously reported by The (b)(7)(D) show that another UK paper sought comment on direct allegations from Virginia Giuffre. In early 2015, Ehud Barak received an email from Nick Sommerlad, investigations editor at the Daily Mirror. Sommerlad wrote: “I have been made aware of allegations made by Virginia Roberts that she was ordered by Jeffrey Epstein to have sex with you when she was 17 years old.”

He added that Roberts alleged she had been paid by Epstein and that the events took place at Epstein’s Little St. James island around 2001.

Barak denied the claims, emailing the paper with a reply and threatening to sue if the allegations were published. The resulting Daily Mirror story referred obliquely to him as “a foreign Prime Minister who we are not naming.”

Even so, the paper ran Barak’s anonymous denial: “The scandalous allegations you cite are entirely groundless. I don’t know Ms. Virginia Roberts and I didn’t have any sexual relations with her.” The Mirror added further lines from his response: “I do know Jeffrey Epstein. I was never aware Mr. Epstein, to quote you, ‘was paying underage girls for sex.’”

The newly released emails reveal the paradox of Epstein and his inner circle in 2011—publicly battered by allegations, yet privately sustained by powerful allies, pliant media, and a bank willing to overlook red flags. Even as compliance officers flagged suspicious payments and journalists pressed for answers, Epstein deployed his network — from Jes Staley at JPMorgan to Ghislaine Maxwell’s PR firms — to insulate himself. That insulation would not last forever, but for years it allowed Epstein to remain embedded in elite circles, shielded by reputation management and institutional complicity.

By Rob Waldeck

Newly released Jeffrey Epstein emails from House Oversight Democrats reveal that the disgraced financier mistakenly believed Donald Trump had not been mentioned in the Daily Mail’s early 2011 coverage. At the time, the paper was pursuing stories on two Epstein-linked figures tied to the trafficking of Virginia Giuffre: then-Prince Andrew and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. These emails are likely to raise fresh questions about what Trump knew about Epstein’s sex-trafficking operation.

The fact that the Daily Mail was targeting not only Prince Andrew but also Barak in early 2011 was first revealed by The (b)(7)(D) in The Silence of Power.

The newly released emails show Jeffrey Epstein expressing mild surprise that Donald Trump had not been mentioned or asked to comment in the Daily Mail’s coverage. In reality, Trump was referenced briefly in the reporting, but the British newspaper appears not to have contacted him directly for comment.

Among the revelations published by the Daily Mail were Virginia Giuffre’s accusations that Epstein had trafficked her to Britain’s Prince Andrew, son of Queen Elizabeth. Photographs of Prince Andrew, Epstein confidant Ghislaine Maxwell, and Giuffre appeared in the Mail on Sunday on March 11, 2011.

Epstein’s reaction suggests he expected the Daily Mail’s investigation to go further — and to include Donald Trump. On April 2, 2011, he emailed Ghislaine Maxwell, who was at the center of the allegations. “I want you to realize that [the] dog that hasn’t barked is [Trump],” Epstein wrote. “[Redacted Victim] spent hours at my house with him . . . he has never once been mentioned.” Maxwell responded cryptically: “I have been thinking about that . . .”

In fact, Donald Trump was mentioned in the Daily Mail’s March 5, 2011 story about Virginia Giuffre, which also named Bill Clinton, former Vice President Al Gore, former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell, and Ehud Barak. Of Trump, Giuffre told the Mail: “Donald Trump was also a good friend of Jeffrey’s. He didn’t partake in sex with any of us but he flirted with me. He’d laugh and tell Jeffrey, ‘You’ve got the life.’”

But unlike Gore, Mitchell, and Barak, the Daily Mail apparently did not reach out to Trump for comment about his relationship with Epstein. Barak was the only one of the four who responded. As reported by The (b)(7)(D), in early March the Israeli government mobilized to respond to serious allegations involving Barak and Epstein, posed by Mail on Sunday foreign correspondent Matthew Kalman.

The Israeli government sprang into action. Then–senior aide to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Ron Dermer, provided the Ministry of Defense’s spokesperson with a prepared response to the Daily Mail’s allegations — and cc’d the document to Barak’s private email account.

The document, sent from one of Ron Dermer’s personal email accounts, was partially quoted in the Daily Mail on March 7. His message cc’d one of Ehud Barak’s private email addresses. As previously revealed by The (b)(7)(D), the statement issued by the Israeli Ministry of Defense spokesperson appeared verbatim in the Daily Mail’s coverage. Reached for comment on The (b)(7)(D)’s earlier reporting, a spokesperson for Dermer confirmed that the email Dermer sent to Barak had been located. Barak has consistently denied ever having sex with Giuffre.

The impact of the newly-revealed Epstein emails has yet to be felt. A 2019 email from Epstein to author Michael Wolff appears to confirm Trump’s claims that the President asked Maxwell to stop recruiting of women at his Mar-a-Lago club. However, the new emails show Trump knew it was Maxwell who was seeking girls for Epstein, complicating the President’s ability to offer her clemency.

The release of the emails comes at a critical time in the efforts to get the Department of Justice to release the files it has on Epstein. News reports indicate that Speaker of the House Mike Johnson will swear in Representative-Elect Adelita Grijalva today, potentially providing the final vote needed for a discharge petition to force release of the materials.

By Rob Waldeck

In March 2011, the Daily Mail published a striking series of exposés on Jeffrey Epstein’s sex-trafficking network. Among the revelations were Virginia Giuffre’s accusations that Epstein had trafficked her to Britain’s Prince Andrew, son of Queen Elizabeth. Yet according to emails and documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D), similar allegations involving then–Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak were never reported—after the Israeli government intervened to respond on Barak’s behalf. Involvement in that response extended to the highest levels of government, including Netanyahu’s top aide and close confidant Ron Dermer.

Although the allegations reached the Prime Minister’s office, Netanyahu—politically indebted to Barak—kept him in place as Defense Minister for two more years. The accusations would not surface publicly until nine years later, when a court filing revealed that Giuffre had also named Barak among those to whom Epstein had trafficked her.

Giuffre’s posthumous memoir, Nobody’s Girl, hitting shelves Tuesday, for the first time, details her accusations against someone she describes as “a former Prime Minister.” Court documents filed in 2020 state that Giuffre alleged Epstein sex-trafficked her to former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who held the office from 1999 to 2001. Barak has strenuously and consistently denied having sex with Giuffre or having any personal knowledge of sexual misconduct involving Epstein.

The intervention of the Israeli government and the involvement of the Prime Minister’s office occurred weeks after Barak had departed the Labor Party and created a new faction of former Labor legislators whose support allowed Netanyahu to remain in power.

“A WELL-KNOWN PRIME MINISTER”

Newly published reviews of Ms. Giuffre’s memoir provide the first public recitation of her claims that Epstein trafficked her for sex to a well-known Prime Minister. These claims echo her statements in a January 2016 deposition, where she stated that she had told the FBI that Epstein had sexually trafficked her to a “prominent prime minister.” Although she provided the names of the prominent politicians to the FBI and repeated them in a deposition, a standing court order has kept the politicians’ names redacted for the last nine years.

Ehud Barak’s path to being a prime minister began in service to the state in the Israeli Defense Forces. After leading a stunning commando raid in 1974 on a hijacked jet parked at Tel Aviv’s airport that freed 89 of 90 hostages, he rose through the ranks, eventually serving as IDF Chief of Staff from 1991 to 1995. After leaving the military, Labor Party Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin appointed him Minister of the Interior. Barak became Foreign Minister later in 1995 and won a seat in the Knesset in 1996 as a member of the Labor Party.

In 1997, he became leader of the Labor Party, and in 1999 defeated then-Prime Minister Netanyahu to become Prime Minister. Ariel Sharon unseated Barak in the 2001 election. Barak then resigned from the Knesset.

According to her memoir, Giuffre met the “prominent Prime Minister” in 2002. Although the politician is not named in the book, in a June 2020 court filing by Alan Dershowitz stated that Giuffre had identified Ehud Barak as one of the men to whom Epstein trafficked her to. Dershowitz’s filing also noted that Giuffre had accused other men, including Prince Andrew and former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell.

After Dershowitz’s court filing, Barak’s name quickly surfaced in public. In a tweet, Miami Herald journalist Julie K. Brown cited Dershowitz’s lawyers as confirming to her that Giuffre claimed Epstein had trafficked her to Barak.

Ms. Giuffre’s memoir alleges that the man she refers to as the “Prime Minister” was violent with her during their first encounter. She claims she begged Epstein not to send her back to see him. According to the memoir, a later encounter on a plane was less violent. Barak has consistently and repeatedly denied knowing Giuffre or ever having sex with her.

“THE DIRTIEST AND UGLIEST MANEUVER”

Giuffre alleges her association with Epstein began in the early 2000s, around the time Barak entered the business world. In June 2007, however, Barak reentered politics, winning the race to become leader of the Labor Party, which was then part of a coalition government with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s Kadima party. Days later, Olmert appointed him Minister of Defense.

In 2008, Olmert, dogged by corruption allegations, pledged to resign and not seek re-election. Newly-elected Kadima leader, Tzipi Livni entered negotiations to form a new government. Although Barak and the Labor Party agreed to join the proposed coalition, Livni’s efforts ultimately failed and new elections were called.

In February 2009, Livni’s Kadima won 28 seats to 27 for Netanyahu’s Likud Party. However, Israeli President Shimon Peres gave Netanyahu the mandate to form a government. Barak—despite opposition from some Labor members—agreed to form a coalition with Netanyahu. The Labor leader also remained in his post as Defense Minister.

By late 2010, much of the Labor Party was eager to exit Netanyahu’s coalition government, frustrated by Netanyahu’s lack of initiative in negotiations with Palestinian leaders. In response to a proposal before Labor’s steering committee to move up internal leadership elections, Barak wrote a scathing letter attacking the plan. It marked the beginning of a rupture between Barak and the party he led.

In early 2011, Barak, along with four allied Labor members, left the Labor Party and formed a new party, Independence, which remained in coalition with Netanyahu’s Likud Party. Kadima leader Tzipi Livni described the move as the “dirtiest and ugliest maneuver” in the history of Israeli politics. Barak stayed on as Defense Minister. Although Labor exited Netanyahu’s coalition, Barak had secured the Prime Minister’s majority. Netanyahu would remain Israeli Prime Minister for 12 more years, becoming the longest-serving leader in the Israeli history.

“NONE OF THE EVENTS YOU ALLEGED IN YOUR QUESTIONS EVER HAPPENED”

Scarcely two months into the new political alignment between Netanyahu and Barak, danger to the new configuration emerged in the form of an explosive series of stories in Britain’s Daily Mail, and its sister paper, the Mail on Sunday. The reports were based on revelations sourced to Giuffre and obtained by American reporter Sharon Churcher who was working for the twin papers. Churcher had flown to Australia to interview Giuffre. There, the 27-year-old recounted her alleged trysts with British royal Prince Andrew and handed Churcher the now-infamous photo of her with the Prince.

That photo appeared in the February 27, 2011 edition of the Mail on Sunday. But emails and documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) suggest Churcher was looking into allegations about other men as well as Prince Andrew. In early March, the Israeli government geared up to respond to questions about serious allegations regarding Barak and Epstein, posed by the Mail on Sunday’s legendary foreign correspondent Matthew Kalman.

In a March 4, 2011 email, published here by The (b)(7)(D) for the first time, then-Senior Aide to the Prime Minister, Ron Dermer, provided the Ministry of Defense’s spokesperson with a attached document containing a response to the Daily Mail’s allegations. The document, sent from one of Dermer’s personal email accounts, would be partially quoted in the Daily Mail on March 7. Dermer’s email cc’d one of Barak’s personal accounts.

The statement in Dermer’s email denied the allegations, asserting that none of the events described in Kalman’s questions had ever occurred. It included a pointed threat that Barak would sue the Daily Mail for defamation in London:

Dermer—often referred to as “Bibi’s Brain” and described as Netanyahu’s “alter-ego” —has long been a close fixture in the Prime Minster’s inner circle. A recent profile in The Wall Street Journal called Dermer Netanyahu’s “closest confidant” noting the fact that Netanyahu “trusts few people.” The Journal also emphasized that Dermer, now 54 and serving as Minister of Strategic Affairs, “has never had a falling-out” with Netanyahu.

Barak has repeatedly called on the American-born Dermer to help with English, including in 2015 when he asked him to review an op-ed advocating for Russian leadership in resolving the Syrian Civil War. Barak began drafting the op-ed days after he received a $1 million payment for a consulting contract from close Putin associate and oligarch Viktor Vekselberg. Jeffrey Epstein also provided strategic guidance to Barak in his dealings with Vekselberg.

On March 7, the Daily Mail published their next scoop under Churcher’s byline: “Teenage Girl Recruited by Paedophile Jeffrey Epstein.” The story detailed the accusations about Prince Andrew. It also reported that George Mitchell and Ehud Barak were acquaintances of Epstein’s. Mitchell, the paper noted, had not responded to a request for comment. But the Daily Mail quoted Israeli Defense Minister Barak’s spokesperson as saying: “Mr Barak did attend several small functions in Mr Epstein’s home in New York that were usually attended by leading businessman, university presidents, Nobel Prize Laureates and prominent public figures.” The paper quoted language in the document sent by Dermer to Barak and the Ministry of Defense’s spokesperson—typos and all.

That same day, Barak’s long-time aide Dana Zaidman emailed the Minister with links to two Daily Mail stories, including the March 7 story that mentioned Barak. The Daily Mail did not revisit Barak’s connection to Epstein in print until July 2019, more than eight years after its initial coverage. The email, first reported by Straight Arrow News, showed that no trace of the claims addressed in the Dermer document appeared in the paper.

“I AM A REPORTER WITH THE DAILY MIRROR NEWSPAPER IN LONDON”

Despite his top aide Ron Dermer’s awareness of the sex-trafficking allegations surrounding Barak, Netanyahu made no move to remove him in the remaining two years of his tenure as Defense Minister. Barak announced his retirement from politics in late 2012. His last day as Minister of Defense was March 19, 2013.

But the 2011 incident would not be the last time Barak had to respond to reporters about Epstein. In early 2015, Barak received an email from Nick Sommerlad, Investigations Editor at the UK’s Daily Mirror. Sommerlad wrote “I have been made aware of allegations made by Virginia Roberts that she was ordered by Jeffrey Epstein to have sex with you when she was 17 years old.” He added that Roberts was alleging that she had been paid by Epstein and the events occurred at Epstein’s Little St. James island around 2001.

According to emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D), Barak initially emailed his lawyers proposed language to respond to Sommerlad’s questions. After internal review, he sent Sommerlad the final draft of his denial directly.

In an email obtained by The (b)(7)(D), Sommerlad responded to Barak “We ran your statement in today’s paper but did not name you.” The article quoted Barak as an anonymous Prime Minister: “One of those friends of Epstein accused of sleeping with Roberts is a foreign Prime Minister who we are not naming.” Barak’s reply again denied any misconduct with Giuffre: “The scandalous allegations you cite are entirely groundless. I don’t know Ms. Virginia Roberts and I didn’t have any sexual relations with her.” The Mirror added more of Barak’s denial: “I do know Jeffery Epstein. I was never aware Mr. Epstein, to quote you, ‘was paying underage girls for sex’.”

The 2015 Daily Mirror story marked the second known instance that press accusations regarding Barak and Epstein were put to the former Prime Minister—though this time the paper for the first time linked Virginia Giuffre to those claims.

Although the Office of Israeli Minister for Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer were able to find Dermer’s email that included the statement in the name of the Spokesperson of the Israeli Minister of Defense, they declined to comment on the record. Lisa Bloom, an attorney who previously represented Giuffre, declined to comment, citing her litigation schedule. A second former attorney for Virginia Giuffre did not respond to a request for comment. An attempt to reach a third former attorney who represented Giuffre was unsuccessful.

By Rob Waldeck

After leaving the post of Defense Minister in early 2013, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak sought to connect with Russian interests in order to resume his business career. Advised by his friend, disgraced U.S. financier Jeffrey Epstein, Barak signed a $1 million consulting contract with Kremlin‑allied oligarch Viktor Vekselberg. Using Epstein’s advice and connections, in 2015 Epstein connected the Israeli politician to key Russian figures at Putin’s St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show. Epstein’s relationship with FSB‑trained SPIEF head Sergey Belyakov helped Barak secure private meetings with senior figures in the Russian government and earned the former Israeli PM speaking spots at the conference. While there, Epstein also reconnected Barak with a key Gulf figure, Sultan bin Sulayem, right‑hand to UAE billionaire Sheikh Maktoum, Ruler of Dubai.

The connections Epstein provided were critical to Barak’s burgeoning consulting career, which relied on insights gained from continued access to world leaders. The new emails both deepen and reveal some of the mysteries surrounding Epstein’s ongoing financial and political ties. They may also help explain the types of information regarding Epstein that the Trump administration is seeking to keep from public view.

COMMANDER OF THE PILLAR OF FIRE

Ehud Barak, like many Israeli politicians, began his service to the state in the Israeli Defense Forces. In 1974, he led a dramatic commando raid on a hijacked jet parked at Tel Aviv’s airport that freed 89 of the 90 hostages.

Barak rose steadily through the ranks, commanding elite units such as the 611th “Pillar of Fire” armored brigade, before becoming Chief of Staff of the IDF from 1991 to 1995. After leaving the military, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin appointed him Minister of the Interior. Later in 1995, Barak became Foreign Minister, and in 1996 he won a seat in the Knesset as a member of the Labor Party.

In 1997, he became leader of the Labor Party, and in 1999 he defeated then‑Prime Minister Netanyahu to become Prime Minister. Ariel Sharon defeated Barak in the 2001 election, after which Barak resigned from the Knesset.

Barak returned to politics in 2007 as Minister of Defense and continued to serve in that role as a coalition partner after Netanyahu’s 2009 election victory.

THE ENVELOPE AT THE KEMPINSKI FRONT DESK FOR MR. BONDOVSKY IN ROOM 644

Barak told the Daily Beast that he was first introduced to Epstein by former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres in 2002. In late summer 2012, emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that Barak and his wife Nili were already arranging meetings with Jeffrey Epstein in New York.

Barak announced his retirement from politics in late 2012. His last day as Minister of Defense was March 19, 2013. That same day, emails show, Barak’s brother‑in‑law and close advisor Doron Cohen sent an email to Yoan Eitan, whom SEC filings list as a director of Columbus Nova, a company described by Forbes as a “family office, owned by Americans” for now‑sanctioned Russian billionaire Viktor Vekselberg, whom the U.S. government describes as having “close ties” with Russian government officials, including Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Cohen’s email was cc’d and forwarded to the personal account of newly minted private citizen Ehud Barak. According to documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D), Barak incorporated Hyperion, Ltd. in Israel the next day as a vehicle for international consulting.

Netanyahu was not going to make it easy for his former political opponent to enter private life. Twenty‑four hours after Barak left the Defense Ministry, U.S. President Barack Obama arrived for a state visit to Israel. Netanyahu left Barak off all guest lists for events with Obama. Although Netanyahu called to apologize that Saturday, Haaretz published an article highlighting the snub.

Barak emailed his brother, Avinoam Brog, underscoring the danger for a former statesman trying to secure lucrative consulting contracts. “In the arena I’m now in, this represents a major damage. It’s automatically on the table of anyone I negotiate with. And significantly weakens my hand.” Barak followed up the email with a request that Avinoam, a media executive, try to keep the story out of the hands of satirist Muli Segev to limit the damage. Continued access to world leaders was critical to the next stage of Barak’s career.

Eitan then agreed to meet with Barak and Columbus Nova CEO Andy Intrater in New York on April 5, so that the newly private citizen could “have a chance to see Columbus Nova and learn more about their activities.” Emails show that after a successful meeting, Intrater suggested Barak meet face‑to‑face with Vekselberg in New York in late April to discuss a potential relationship between Barak, Columbus Nova, and Renova Group, Vekselberg’s vast Russian holding company. On April 26, emails indicate, Barak met with Vekselberg in New York.

After the meeting, Epstein emailed Barak to ask how it had gone. Barak replied that the meeting was “good to very good,” but that the deal had not yet been completed. Epstein wrote back advising Barak to request the funds for the deal up front.

Barak arranged to fly to Moscow to meet Vekselberg and complete the deal. Epstein emailed Barak, advising his friend to “read all you can” about Vekselberg’s companies so that the Russian billionaire would understand Barak was proactive. Barak emailed Epstein, asking him, “pl don’t share the info with any of our friends.” Epstein replied that he would not and suggested that Barak “let Putin know you will be in Moscow. See if he wants private time.”

Travel records obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show Barak arrived on May 12 and checked into Moscow’s Kempinski Hotel under the alias “Mr. Bondovsky.”

The next day, Barak met with Vekselberg and executed the consulting agreement. A Renova employee later emailed Barak, informing him that the signed agreement was at the front desk of the Kempinski Hotel, with Barak’s Room 644 noted on the envelope.

THE KREMLIN HOLDS THE KEYS

Documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that on May 15, the Renova Group wired $1 million to Hyperion, Ltd.’s bank account in Israel. In the early hours of May 17, Barak emailed his former spokesperson a draft op‑ed about the Syrian Civil War, writing that “we need Russia to be asked to lead the international effort to end it.” Barak also emailed Epstein to solicit his input on the piece.

Barak also sought input on the op‑ed from Prime Minister Netanyahu’s senior foreign policy aide, Ron Dermer. Dermer made corrections, which Barak passed along to his aide, who then forwarded the piece to a New York Times opinion editor under the title “The Kremlin Holds the Keys.” The Times rejected the submission, explaining that the “mechanics” for a deal were not “spelled out.”

Emails show that the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post also passed on Barak’s opinion piece, which ultimately appeared in the Daily Telegraph on May 30 under the title “The price will be high, but the key to Syria’s civil war lies in Vladimir Putin’s Moscow.”

By this time, Barak had reached out to top Kremlin aide Yuri Ushakov, requesting a face‑to‑face meeting with Putin. On June 11, Ushakov emailed Barak confirming that Putin would meet him on June 20, the opening day of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. The next morning, a SPIEF staffer emailed Barak’s wife, Nili, with a formal invitation for Barak to attend the forum.

Epstein appeared well‑informed about coming moves in the Kremlin, emailing Barak that Putin “will re do his staff in summer, bringing only trusted people closer,” adding, “more info on phone or face to face.” Days later, at the conference, Putin announced a staff reshuffle.

After Barak arrived in Russia, Epstein helped him connect with other foreign attendees, emailing the former Israeli PM that “my friend” Sultan bin Sulayem was in St. Petersburg. Epstein described the Sultan as the “right hand man of [Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al] Maktoum.” Maktoum—Ruler of Dubai, Prime Minister of the United Arab Emirates, and owner of Dubai World—has an estimated net worth of at least $18 billion. Barak was able to meet with bin Sulayem.

After the Putin meeting, Barak emailed Ushakov to thank him for arranging it and told the Kremlin adviser that two messages Putin had given him were “conveyed yesterday night fully and accurately to the top players.”

In early 2014, after pro‑Russian Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych fled Kyiv for Russia, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the invasion of eastern Ukraine and the occupation of Crimea. The United States responded in March 2014 by imposing broad sanctions on Russia, and U.S. allies soon followed with sanctions of their own. In May 2014, Barak emailed Epstein to inform him that he would not be attending SPIEF that year.

The result of Western sanctions was an economic crisis in Russia. The ruble collapsed, and a worldwide oil glut deepened the country’s economic pain. By 2015, Russia was seeking a way out of its isolation from the global economy. Among those it turned to was Jeffrey Epstein.

Since the 2013 SPIEF, a new man had been placed in charge of the forum: former Deputy Economic Development Minister Sergey Belyakov. Belyakov graduated in 1998 from the FSB Academy, the successor to the KGB Higher School that trains intelligence officers. After two years in the Border Guards, he experienced a near‑meteoric rise through economic and business posts in the Russian Federation. In August 2012, Belyakov was appointed Deputy Economic Development Minister.

In 2014, as Russia faced economic crisis, it resorted to using pension fund contributions to cover shortfalls in the state budget. The government promised the contributions would return to being invested in the broader economy to grow the pension fund the following year. But in early August 2014, the Russian government announced it would again divert pension contributions to cover budget shortfalls.

Belyakov spoke out against the move on Facebook, calling the decision “stupid” and saying, “I ask everyone’s forgiveness for the follies we commit and for not keeping our word.” He was soon fired. Later in 2014, Belyakov resurfaced as head of the foundation that runs SPIEF. He was not only a graduate of the FSB Academy and a former Deputy Economy Minister—he was also Jeffrey Epstein’s friend.

As first reported by the Dossier Center, on April 22, 2015, in New York, Epstein introduced Barak to Belyakov. Emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that at the meeting, Belyakov, Epstein, and Barak discussed Barak’s attendance at the 2015 SPIEF. After leaving the meeting, Barak emailed Epstein, asking that he please “give the Russian guy my email so he could send an invitation over the mail. As a PDF.”

Epstein then emailed Barak, telling him that he “spoke to sergey afterwards. he will help,” adding that he wanted Barak to send a note saying that Putin should meet with Epstein.

Belyakov then emailed Barak, saying that he hoped Barak could attend SPIEF 2015 and that an official invitation would be coming the following week. Belyakov added, “We’ll also send you a list of people you might be interested in meeting while in Saint Petersburg.”

The next week, Belyakov emailed Barak a formal invitation and provided a list of people Barak might want to meet, including Sergey Ivanov, Head of the Presidential Administration; Sergey Lavrov, Russia’s Foreign Minister; and Elvira Nabiullina, head of the Russian Central Bank. Barak replied that he was planning to attend and wanted to meet all three Russian leaders.

Belyakov also invited Barak to participate in panel discussions at the Forum. Eventually, Barak agreed to sit on two panels: Unlocking the Potential Growth of the Knowledge Economy and Building Effective Cyber Security Systems. A month before the conference, Barak emailed Epstein, telling him that “Sergei helps a lot.”

Barak also sought another meeting with Putin, emailing top Kremlin aide Ushakov. This time, emails show, Ushakov told Barak that the Russian President’s schedule was full. Despite this, Barak’s meetings with other top Russian figures went ahead.

Epstein worked hard to connect Barak with billionaires attending SPIEF, emails show, including Baroness Ariane de Rothschild and Sultan bin Sulayem. Although Rothschild skipped the conference, Epstein arranged a second meeting between Sulayem and Barak. When Barak emailed Epstein that he owed the Sultan for “coffee and starters” from their last meeting, Epstein joked, “knowing how you eat, you owe him a lot.”

GLAD YOU FOUND IT USEFUL

Barak was highly pleased with his 2015 SPIEF experience, emailing Epstein, “Great meetings. I’ve met Sergey and thanked him for everything,” adding that he had also met Sulayem, who “expressed interested in finding some area for actual cooperation.” Barak noted that his meetings with Nabiullina and Foreign Minister Lavrov “were both very good.”

The next day, Barak emailed, “thx for setting the whole thing together.” Epstein replied two minutes later that he was “glad you found it useful.”

By Rob Waldeck

Updated 5:30 p.m. September 15, 2025

New developments in President Donald Trump’s Middle East peace initiative have reactivated a familiar triad: Tom Barrack, Tony Blair, and Jared Kushner. Axios’ Barak Ravid reports that all three have resumed roles in Trump’s post-war strategy for Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon. Late last month, Blair and Kushner briefed Trump directly on Gaza reconstruction plans. Last Monday, Kushner met with Trump’s peace envoy Steve Witkoff and Israeli advisor Ron Dermer—signaling renewed coordination between Trump’s inner circle and Prime Minister Netanyahu’s team.

Tom Barrack, one of President Trump’s oldest confidants, now serves as U.S. Ambassador to Turkey while doubling as Special Envoy to Syria. In that role, he’s facilitated Trump’s rapprochement with Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa, including the rollback of sanctions dating back to the civil war. In early July, Trump handed Barrack the the informal Lebanon brief—tasking him with nudging Beirut toward a pre-deal disarmament of Hezbollah.

Court filings, FAA flight logs, internal emails, and other documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) reveal that Barrack, Blair, and Kushner were central to a covert 2016 back channel linking Trump’s inner circle to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Through this shadow conduit, the Gulf monarchies pitched a new peace framework—devised by Blair—that bypassed traditional negotiations on the Palestinian question in favor of direct normalization with Israel. The proposal would later crystallize into the 2020 Abraham Accords, in which the UAE and Bahrain formally recognized Israel, reshaping the region’s diplomatic architecture.

Barrack, Blair, and Kushner would later benefit financially from their ties to the Gulf Arab states. In Barrack’s indictment for acting as a foreign agent, federal prosecutors alleged that in 2017 he received $374 million for his newly merged firm, Colony NorthStar, from the UAE’s sovereign wealth funds—Mubadala Investment Company and the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority. Internal documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show Colony NorthStar was also pursuing a $200-$300 million investment from Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund. In November 2022, Barrack was acquitted, successfully arguing he was trying to help Trump moderate his stance towards the Arab world.

Kushner established his investment fund, Affinity Partners, in mid-2021. That year, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman—controller of Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund—overrode his investment committee’s recommendations and directed a $2 billion investment into Affinity Partners. In 2023, The New York Times reported Kushner received $200 million from one of the UAE’s sovereign wealth funds. By late 2024, Lunate, a UAE asset management firm, and the Qatar Investment Authority invested an additional $1.5 billion. Lunate is tied to the UAE Royal Group, owned by Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, the UAE’s National Security Advisor and brother to President Mohammed bin Zayed, the Ruler of Abu Dhabi. A recent SEC filing for Affinity Partners listed $4.8 billion in investments.

After Trump left office in 2021, Blair continued to profit from his ties to the UAE. In 2024, the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change acknowledged it had performed both pro bono and paid work for the Emirati government. The Institute’s latest accounts reported “a healthy $38 million in cash on hand.” The documents also revealed a regional hub in the UAE and a Saudi subsidiary—Global Change Company for Business Services LLC. The Institute has recently expanded operations in Saudi Arabia, adding new staff.

The return of Blair, Barrack and Kushner to Middle East policy began in early May, when Barrack took up his post in Turkey. Days later, reports indicated that both Kushner and Blair had taken on advisory roles with Steve Witkoff, Trump’s Middle East peace envoy. A July report in the Financial Times linked Blair’s Tony Blair Institute with Boston Consulting Group’s controversial Gaza reconstruction plan.

After this report was posted this morning, the New York Times reported the UAE’s Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, the UAE’s National Security Advisor and brother to UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed invested $2 billion in World Liberty Financial, a company owned jointly by the Trump family and Witkoff.

“THERE’S A FOCUS ON THE MIDDLE EAST, BECAUSE THAT’S WHERE THE MONEY IS”

The idea of a peace deal for Israel enabled by Gulf state involvement began with former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. After resigning the post of Prime Minister in June 2007, Blair became the official Envoy for the Quartet, a peacekeeping mechanism representing the interests of the United Nations, the U.S., the European Union, and Russia. As part of his duties as Envoy, Blair interacted regularly with leaders all over the Middle East.

In 2009, Blair launched his advisory firm, Tony Blair Associates. A friend of Blair told The Sunday Times the firm had “been set up to make money from foreign governments and major companies. There's a focus on the Middle East, because that's where the money is.” Later that year, the Sunday Times reported Blair had signed multimillion-dollar contracts to advise both the Kuwaiti government and the UAE’s state-owned Mubadala Investment Fund.

Blair became a regular visitor to Abu Dhabi, the capital of the United Arab Emirates. Reports surfaced that he frequently stayed at the opulent Emirates Palace Hotel. In an interview with Israel Hayom, Blair described UAE President and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed as “an exceptional political and leadership talent.”

A 2015 Sunday Telegraph report revealed that the UAE also funded Tony Blair Associates contracts in Serbia, Mongolia, and Colombia. Blair’s simultaneous dealings with governments he was engaging as Envoy for the Quartet drew sharp criticism. By mid-2015, Blair resigned from the role.

After leaving the Quartet, Blair continued working on peace initiatives, but began advancing a new idea: Israel should establish relations with Arab nations as a prelude to a deal with the Palestinians. He outlined this approach in a 2020 interview published in Israel Hayom:

I have thought for a long time that the whole position that you have to have a peace deal first, and then you open up relations between Israel and the Arab world . . . needed to be turned on its head.

In a later interview with Israeli journalist Barak Ravid, Blair said he first presented the idea to Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed in 2015. He was also discussing the concept with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, who responded enthusiastically.

In late 2015, Blair convened a meeting in London between Yizhak Molcho, a close confidant of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, and UAE minister Sultan al-Jaber. Blair later told Israel Hayom that the London meeting marked the beginning of the Abraham Accords. Molcho and al-Jaber continued their negotiations by phone and held follow-up meetings in Cyprus and Abu Dhabi. At one London meeting, Mohammed bin Zayed met with Molcho personally.

The efforts bore fruit in 2016 when the Emiratis met a key Israeli demand: dropping arrest warrants against 11 Mossad operatives charged in the 2010 killing of a top Hamas leader in the UAE. At a May 2016 press conference, Netanyahu described the strategy as “working with Arab states to reach a real agreement with the Palestinians.”

In March 2016, Trump addressed the America-Israel Political Action Committee at Washington, D.C.’s Verizon Center. He told the audience: “My number-one priority is to dismantle the disastrous deal with Iran.” The JCPOA nuclear agreement, which lifted sanctions in exchange for limits on Iran’s nuclear fuel processing, had drawn sharp criticism across the Middle East. Netanyahu opposed it, and media outlets reported that both the Saudis and Emiratis were also against the deal.

A senior Western non-proliferation official, speaking anonymously to The (b)(7)(D) to discuss sensitive, but non-classified information, said that at the time, the Saudis and Emiratis felt slighted by the Obama administration. The official added that both governments viewed diplomacy as a zero-sum game, and believed that if Iran secured a nuclear deal with the U.S., their own influence in Washington would be diminished.

“THE FIRST OF MANY MEETINGS”

Thomas J. Barrack Jr. and Donald Trump had been friends since competing in New York’s real estate market during the 1980s. Barrack, the son of Lebanese Catholics from Los Angeles, began his career by leveraging his rusty Arabic to represent U.S. construction interests in Saudi Arabia. While in the kingdom, he developed a close relationship with Saudi Prince Turki bin Faisal al-Saud, son of then-King Faisal.

The (b)(7)(D)

PLAYED LIKE A STRADIVARIUS

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Barrack soon began working as a fixer, linking Western interests to the Saudi royal court. He also cultivated ties in the United Arab Emirates, negotiating an oil lease with Mana al-Otaiba, the UAE’s first Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources and father of UAE Ambassador to the U.S., Yousef al-Otaiba.

Barrack, a key Kushner ally, had helped rescue the Kushner Companies’ faltering 666 Fifth Avenue investment in 2010. When Trump encountered GOP delegate resistance in early 2016, Barrack lobbied Ivanka Trump and Kushner to convince Trump to appoint Barrack’s longtime friend Paul Manafort to the campaign, calling him “a genius killer” in an email to the couple.

With Trump publicly opposing the Iran nuclear deal, the UAE grew increasingly interested in the GOP front-runner. Messages obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show Emirati officials decided to use Barrack as a conduit to Trump, opening a back channel through Rashid al-Malik, a former business partner of Barrack.

In late April, over email, al-Malik and Barrack arranged a trip for the real estate magnate to meet UAE Deputy Ruler Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, National Security Advisor and brother to UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed. Barrack said he was “very excited” about the meeting. Rashid replied that Tahnoun bin Zayed was “very much focusing on building the right relationships to help the country and he knows ambassadors can’t do much.” Al-Malik called it “the first of many meetings for us with him” and noted that an investment company between Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed and Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman would need to be established.

In later emails, al-Malik emphasized Tahnoun bin Zayed’s relationship with Mohammed bin Salman, describing the two as “best friends” who hold ultimate authority in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. In a later email Barrack boasted that “Donald Trump is a thirty-year partner and I have staffed his campaign.”

On May 1, Barrack met in the UAE with Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, the National Security Advisor and brother of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed. FAA records obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show Barrack’s jet departed the Emirates two days later, landing at 9:13 p.m. on May 3rd.

Shortly after, Emirati official Khalifa al-Ghalfi sent Barrack a glowing email, noting that Tahnoun bin Zayed was “satisfied with the meeting.” Barrack then facilitated an introduction between Jared Kushner and UAE Ambassador to the U.S., Yousef al-Otaiba.

On May 9, Rashid al-Malik emailed Barrack, calling him the UAE’s “only channel to the Candidate.” Al-Malik was working to arrange a meeting between Mohammed bin Zayed, his brother Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, Kushner, and Barrack—intended as a precursor to a direct meeting between MBZ and Trump. Barrack forwarded the message to Kushner with a one-word exclamation: “Confidential!

THE MOONLIGHT SONATA

In June 2016, then–Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) traveled to the U.S. to repair strained relations between Riyadh and Washington. At the time, MBS was maneuvering to displace his cousin, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, as heir to King Salman. During a Ramadan dinner at Secretary of State John Kerry’s Georgetown home, MBS—dressed casually—sat at the grand piano and played Beethoven’s Moonlight Sonata. “We were all surprised,” Kerry later said. “Someone had trained him well.”

Behind the scenes, the Saudis were working to secure a meeting with Trump insiders. On June 21, Barrack emailed Ambassador Yousef al-Otaiba, noting that the Saudis were reaching out through a contact at the Blackstone Group to arrange a meeting with Paul Manafort, scheduled for June 23. Trump had recently promoted Manafort to campaign chairman. Barrack told Otaiba that Manafort would take the meeting if the introduction came jointly through the ambassador and Barrack. Otaiba agreed, and early the next morning confirmed that the introduction of Mohammed bin Salman to Trump’s campaign chairman would proceed through Barrack and Otaiba.

NO STOP IN NEWARK

According to emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D), by late July 2016, Barrack and Rashid al-Malik were planning the next step in their outreach to the Trump campaign: a meeting in Morocco involving members of the Saudi royal family, UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, and Trump’s campaign chairman Paul Manafort, acting on behalf of Trump.

The Saudi royal family owned a sprawling compound in Tangiers, complete with medical facilities, two helicopter landing pads, and one hundred black Mercedes sedans reserved for guests of the King. Saudi media reported that King Salman was hosting Mohammed bin Zayed and other members of the UAE leadership at the compound beginning in late July.

On the morning of August 2, 2016, Tom Barrack Jr.’s Gulfstream 550, tail number N284CC, departed Kona, Hawaii for Van Nuys, California. FAA flight records and court documents obtained by The (b)(7)(D) indicate the flight was the first leg of a trip to Morocco. Barrack had arranged to stop in Newark, where Paul Manafort was scheduled to board the jet.

Ten minutes after Barrack’s Gulfstream took off on its first leg to Morocco, Paul Manafort’s calendar showed a 5:30 p.m. Eastern meeting with Donald Trump and Rudy Giuliani at Trump Tower. Later that evening, Manafort headed to another meeting—this one at the Grand Havana Room—with Konstantin Kilimnik, a man later publicly identified by the U.S. intelligence community as a Russian intelligence officer. Kilimnik was closely tied to Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska.

A little less than five hours after departing Hawaii, Barrack’s Gulfstream touched down in Van Nuys. According to emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D), Barrack spoke with Trump by phone for about an hour after landing. The emails, first reported by The Knows, reveal that the plan had changed between takeoff and touchdown. Minutes after the call, Barrack emailed his Emirati contact and former business partner Rashid al-Malik: “Paul M not joining us!! No stop in Newark.”

Barrack reassured al-Malik that the meeting remained on track despite Manafort’s absence, telling him, “I am empowered to handle all.” He added, “I just spoke with Trump for an hour about this and we decided this was the best method.” Al-Malik responded with surprise, noting that Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed Al Nahyan—the UAE National Security Advisor and brother to the Crown Prince—had been planning to bring Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to the meetings. Barrack promised al-Malik that Manafort would be available for a conference call two days later, on August 4.

The next afternoon, the FAA records show Barrack’s Gulfstream lifted off for the long flight to Ibn Battouta Airport in Tangiers. Fortune had thrust him into the role of Trump’s negotiator with the UAE. Despite Manafort’s absence, Barrack would arrive in Tangiers and represent Trump at the meeting.

THE COURTESAN

The Emiratis were also using Lebanese American fixer George Nader to reach Trump. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Nader ran a Washington, DC-based magazine, Middle East Insight. During an FBI interview Nader recounted that he secretly worked on behalf of the Clinton administration in a failed attempt to negotiate a peace between Israel and Syria. But Nader hid his own secret. In 1991, he had been convicted in federal court of transporting child pornography in foreign commerce and in 2002, a court in the Czech Republic convicted him of sexually abusing minors.

Nader later resurfaced in Iraq, playing the role of fixer in Iraq for American companies such as military contractor Blackwater. Blackwater owner Erik Prince described Nader to the FBI as “a courtesan” of the Iraqi government.

2018 reporting by Laura Rozen revealed that in October 2012, George Nader traveled to Moscow to backchannel a $4.2 billion arms deal on behalf of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Nader later told FBI investigators that in late 2012 or early 2013, he accompanied Saudi diplomat Prince Bandar bin Sultan to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, as part of a covert effort to strengthen ties between Saudi Arabia and Russia.

Emails obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that George Nader’s first attempt in the spring of 2016 to reach Trump on behalf of the UAE failed when a meeting with Jared Kushner—arranged through Trump surrogate Walid Phares—was canceled just minutes before it was scheduled to begin.

TRUMP JR. SAID THAT THEY WOULD BE ALLIES

Nader continued working to forge a connection between the UAE and Trump insiders. While Barrack was planning his trip to Morocco, Nader was attempting to bring Donald Trump Jr. into the fold—inviting him to join meetings at the Saudi royal compound in Tangiers. Nader later told FBI agents that he was acting on direct orders from Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed to extend the invitation to Trump Jr. for the gathering with both royal families.

George Nader told the FBI that he was able to get a meeting with Donald Trump, Jr. through Erik Prince, the former owner of Blackwater. Nader told the FBI the meeting was in Trump Jr.’s Trump Tower office on August 1st. Nader attempted to persuade Trump Jr. to join Mohammed bin Salman and Mohammed bin Zayed in in Morocco.

Nader later told federal investigators that immediately after the meeting, Prince suggested he ask Gulf leaders for money to make straw donations to the Trump campaign—an idea Nader said he declined. No evidence has surfaced to support Nader’s claim that Prince proposed foreign-funded straw donations to the campaign. (In early 2022, Nader pleaded guilty to making straw campaign contributions on behalf of the UAE to Hillary Clinton’s campaign and to Trump’s Presidential Inaugural Committee, which was chaired by Tom Barrack.)

Nader’s WhatsApp messages confirm that he left New York shortly after meeting with Trump Jr. According to FBI interview notes and message logs, Nader informed an associate on August 4 that he was in Morocco, following up with Mohammed bin Salman and Mohammed bin Zayed. He later testified to the FBI that he relayed a positive report to both leaders, telling them that Trump Jr. “said that they would be allies with UAE and Saudi Arabia and not stab them in the back.”

Nader’s WhatsApp messages and testimony show that he continued pressing to get Donald Trump Jr. to join the Gulf royals in Morocco over the weekend of August 5. Although those efforts ultimately failed, Nader met with Trump Jr. three more times across August and September. At one of those meetings, Trump Jr. introduced Nader to Jared Kushner.

A MESSAGE FROM TRUMP

After the election, Barrack moved quickly to solidify ties between the UAE and Trump’s incoming administration. Two days after election day, Emirati ambassador Yousef Al Otaiba emailed Barrack: “A hearty congratulations is in order. Your friend defied all the odds and pulled off a stunning victory.” He added, “Now the hard work begins. We have a lot of things that we will have to do together. Together being the operative word.” Barrack replied, “Let’s do them together.”

On November 15, Trump announced that Tom Barrack would chair his Presidential Inaugural Committee. Barrack quickly resumed contact with the UAE government. According to his trial testimony, Barrack planned a trip to the Middle East to meet with Mohammed bin Zayed and Mohammed bin Salman and informed President-Elect Trump and his team about the trip.

FAA flight records obtained by The (b)(7)(D) show that on December 1, 2016, Barrack flew aboard his Gulfstream jet from Los Angeles to Las Vegas, then Newark, before continuing on to Al Bateen Executive Airport in Abu Dhabi. While in Abu Dhabi, Barrack met with both Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed and his brother, Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed. According to WhatsApp messages sent by al-Malik to UAE security official Khalifa al-Ghalfi, Barrack told Mohammed bin Zayed he was carrying a private message from Trump intended for both the UAE and Saudi Arabia.

According to his trial testimony, after leaving the UAE, Barrack went to Dammam, Saudi Arabia, where he met with Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Barrack also met with members of Mohammed bin Salman’s cabinet. At trial Barrack testified that he then debriefed Kushner on the trip, telling the President’s son-in-law that peace between Gulf Arab states and Israel was a real possibility.

THE PRESIDENT’S SON-IN-LAW WILL BE ESSENTIAL IN THE NEXT STAGE

Soon, Kushner became a magnet for foreign outreach. The Saudis moved quickly. According to reporting in the Lebanese daily Al Akbar, shortly after Trump’s November election, the Saudi government dispatched a delegation to meet with Trump associates and present its vision for a new relationship. Documents published by Al Akbar indicate that the Saudis were focused on Jared Kushner, noting that “the President’s son-in-law will be essential in the next stage.”

In late November, the President-elect’s son-in-law was spotted dining with former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and U.S. real estate magnate Sam Zell. Zell, a longtime figure in international finance, had maintained close ties to the UAE for years.

Also central to the Gulf monarchies’ outreach to the Trump family was Rick Gerson, a private equity investor with financial ties to the UAE and a longtime friend of Jared Kushner from their college days. According to FBI records, soon after the election, Gerson facilitated a December 2016 meeting near Trump Tower that brought together incoming National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, incoming White House Chief of Staff Steve Bannon, Kushner, and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. According to Flynn’s testimony to the FBI, Blair presented the group with “new ideas” for advancing the Middle East peace process and distributed a document.

A GUY WHO LOOKED LIKE SEAN CONNERY IN JEANS AND A T-SHIRT

According to FBI records, after the election, George Nader began working to arrange a meeting between President-elect Trump and Mohammed bin Zayed, coordinating through Donald Trump Jr. According to Nader, Emirati ambassador Yousef Al Otaiba informed Jared Kushner that President Barack Obama opposed any direct engagement with bin Zayed during the final weeks of his administration. Kushner subsequently canceled the proposed meeting. It fell to Trump Jr. to deliver the news to a disappointed Nader. Otaiba, Nader said, told him that U.S. National Security Advisor Susan Rice had already been notified that the UAE delegation had entered the country.

Rick Gerson told the FBI that he worked to facilitate direct contact between Mohammed bin Zayed and the Trump transition team. FBI records show that on December 15, bin Zayed hosted Jared Kushner, Steve Bannon, and Michael Flynn at the penthouse suite of the Four Seasons Hotel. Upon arrival, the Trump team was greeted in the lobby by a sizable UAE delegation—approximately 25 members—led by Emirati ambassador Yousef Al Otaiba.

After six or seven minutes, the group went to the hotel’s penthouse. There were 15 more members of the UAE delegation waiting on the top floor. Also in attendance was the Crown Prince’s brother, UAE National Security Advisor Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed, and Tony Blair. Less noticeable was George Nader.

Looking around the room, Bannon noticed a man that looked like Sean Connery and realized it was Mohammed bin Zayed. Bin Zayed was dressed casually in jeans and a t-shirt. Tahnoun bin Zayed said little during the meeting, his eyes hidden behind his trademark sunglasses.

Flynn told FBI investigators that the meeting was “geo-strategic” and that the Middle Eastern representatives viewed Iran—not Israel—as the primary regional threat. Flynn noted that this perspective was new to him and ran counter to his prior experience working with Arab governments. A member of the Emirati delegation told Flynn they intended to continue the dialogue.

“WHAT IS A TUXEDO?”

An invitation list for Tom Barrack’s Christmas party at his 25,000-square-foot mansion in Santa Monica included Rashid al-Malik, actor Rob Lowe, and incoming Secretary of the Treasury Steve Mnuchin. In a message sent before the event, Mohammed al-Ghalfi, part of the UAE group attending the party texted al-Malik, asking, “What is a tuxedo?” Photos later confirmed that both al-Malik and Khalifa al-Ghalfi attended the party

Barrack designed the Inaugural events to maximize Trump’s ability to connect with foreign actors, creating a special diplomatic event called the Chairman’s Global Dinner. Israel’s Ambassador to the United States, Ron Dermer was seated next to UAE Ambassador Otaiba at the Chairman’s Global Dinner.

Al-Malik also attended the Inauguration. Organizers provided him with a VIP package that included tickets to the Chairman’s Global Dinner, the Victory Reception, the Swearing-in ceremony and the Inaugural balls held at the Washington Convention Center. At the Chairman’s Global dinner al-Malik posted a selfie of himself with the President Elect to Instagram. Trump and al-Malik stood shoulder to shoulder, grinning into the lens, the President-elect and the Gulf end of the backchannel that had reached him.

By Rob Waldeck and Joe Fionda

Fionda reported from Venice, Italy

A months-long bribery case launched by Italian prosecutors could provide the White House with justification to strip Elon Musk-linked businesses of federal contracts—fulfilling the “revenge” that Trump administration insiders are reportedly seeking against Musk. It could also serve as a means to execute Trump’s public threat, made via social media, to cut off federal contracts following his falling-out with Musk.

On Thursday Trump took to Truth Social to say that "the easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars is to terminate Elon’s Governmental Subsidies and Contracts."

On Saturday, Trump told NBC’s Kristen Welker that if Musk began supporting Democrats in the midterms he would be punished, saying, "if he does, he’ll have to pay very serious consequences for that."

The Italian bribery case could give Trump the ability to act on his threats against Musk’s businesses. Italian authorities allege that Andrea Stroppa, a Musk associate and SpaceX consultant, offered subcontracts in exchange for insider information on the Italian government’s evaluation of SpaceX’s $1.71 billion proposal to provide encrypted satellite communications to Italy’s police, diplomatic corps, and military.

The Italian case could have serious implications for SpaceX and Musk under U.S. law. The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) makes bribing foreign officials a federal crime, Law Professor Mike Koehler told The (b)(7)(D) in March. While rare, U.S. authorities could use the misconduct to impose a “contract bar” on Musk-led companies under criminal investigation, potentially cutting off billions in government deals.

“THIS ADMINISTRATION COULD ALWAYS START THE INVESTIGATIONS AGAIN”

Trump has never hesitated to wield the power of the presidency against his adversaries. Trump administration officials have pointed to two previous Biden-era investigations as potential avenues for targeting Musk.

According to Rolling Stone, one official texted reporters, stating, “THIS ADMINISTRATION COULD ALWAYS START THE INVESTIGATIONS AGAIN.” Some of Trump’s allies—including former White House Chief of Staff Steve Bannon—have openly called for federal probes into Musk following his dramatic fallout with the White House this week.

However, it remains uncertain whether the investigations mentioned by White House officials in the Rolling Stone report specifically involve a federal probe into SpaceX’s activities in Italy.

"I’M SENDING YOU A CONFIDENTIAL DOCUMENT, I ASK THAT YOU CLEAN IT.”

On October 11, 2024, Italian police closed in on Stroppa—seizing his devices and placing him on the Register of Suspects for complicity in corruption. Roman prosecutors specifically allege that Stroppa promised SpaceX subcontracts to an Italian naval officer to obtain inside information and documents on a government evaluation of a €1.5 billion ($1.71 billion) SpaceX proposal to provide secure satellite communications to Italy’s military, police, and embassies. As reported by The (b)(7)(D) in March, Italian prosecutors have seized Stroppa’s phones and are trying to establish Musk’s role in the bribery scheme from Stroppa’s texts with the billionaire. In one exchange, the Italian naval officer who turned over the documents to Stroppa messaged the Musk confidant, telling him “I’m sending you a confidential document, I ask that you clean it.”

In March, Italian law professor Stefano Maffei told The (b)(7)(d) that being placed on the Register of Suspects is merely a preliminary step before indictment. Notably, Musk has neither been indicted nor placed on the Register of Suspects.

In March, Professor Maffei told The (b)(7)(D) that the charges were preliminary, and suspects would only be formally charged with a crime if the prosecution later requested indictments. Maffei explained that in Italy, the prosecution of crimes falls under the judicial branch of government. Placing Stroppa on the list of suspects, Maffei told The (b)(7)(D), allowed police to seek the warrants to obtain his phones and electronic devices. According to Professor Maffei, Stroppa’s case is still in its initial stages. Neither Stroppa nor Musk has been formally charged with a crime.

ATTORNEY GENERAL PAM BONDI’S FCPA ENFORCEMENT DISCRETION

Law professor Mike Koehler told The (b)(7)(D) in March that a U.S. law, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, makes it a federal crime for a U.S. company or individual to bribe a foreign official. Professor Koehler said that the SpaceX bribery allegations “could perhaps be an FCPA issue” because SpaceX is a U.S. company and Musk is a U.S. citizen, making SpaceX and Musk “clearly subject” to the FCPA. Professor Koehler further explained that companies like SpaceX cannot use indirect means to provide things of value to foreign officials to influence actions on their behalf.

Koehler added that for executives of U.S. companies like SpaceX, prosecutors would only need to show “conscious disregard” for the possibility that illegal exchanges with government officials were occurring. Prosecutors would not need to prove that SpaceX officials directly ordered bribes to be paid. Koehler said that the key question is were any executives “aware or were willfully blind or acted with conscious disregard of the alleged conduct.”

Under new regulations issued by the Trump administration, any U.S.-led investigation of Stroppa, SpaceX or Musk for the alleged Starlink bribery scheme in Italy is now entirely in the hands of Trump’s Attorney General, Pam Bondi. An executive order empowers Bondi for 180 days to terminate, limit, or refuse to initiate any FCPA investigations—including any current or potential probe into the allegations against SpaceX. The executive order establishes a policy of “enforcement discretion,” placing the decision to continue any FCPA case squarely with Bondi, and even allows her to extend this discretionary period for an additional 180 days.

“I WOULD ASSUME SO”

During her telephone interview on Saturday, NBC News’ Kristen Welker asked Trump whether his relationship with Musk was over. The President replied, “I would assume so,” and added, “I have no intention of speaking to him.”

On Friday, reporters on Air Force One asked the President how seriously he was considering canceling Musk’s contracts. Trump did not rule it out, adding, “he’s got a lot of money. He gets a lot of subsidy, so we’ll take a look at that.” Trump then assured reporters that the process would be fair: “Only if it’s fair for him and for the country, I would certainly think about it. But it has to be fair.”

By Rob Waldeck and Joe Fionda

A sweeping bribery investigation in Italy involving Elon Musk’s SpaceX may not only entangle the Trump-allied billionaire but also governments on both sides of the Atlantic. The Trump administration has relied heavily on Musk to provide domestic political dynamism through a government efficiency drive that has set off a wave of voter discontent and spawned dozens of lawsuits. Italian law professor Stefano Maffei told The (b)(7)(D) that the case is in its initial, investigative stage. At this point, Elon Musk has neither been charged nor placed on the Register of Suspects, which Maffei described as a list of those under investigation.

The Italian bribery investigation has led to Musk’s closest Italian associate, SpaceX consultant, Andrea Stroppa, being placed under investigation for involvement in corruption related to a SpaceX contract. On 11 October 2024, the Italian police closed in on Stroppa, seized his devices, and placed him on the Register of Suspects for complicity in corruption. Maffei told The (b)(7)(d) that being placed on the Register of Suspects is preliminary to being indicted.

According to case documents quoted by Italian state broadcaster RAI, and Italian daily Il Fatto Quotidiano, Stroppa is alleged to have exchanged inside information on SpaceX’s offer to provide secure Starlink communications to the Italian military, police, and diplomatic services for subcontracts from SpaceX. Recent reporting in Il Fatto Quotidiano, revealed that Italian prosecutors are seeking communications between Stroppa and Musk to determine if Musk directed Stroppa or had any advance knowledge of his activities.

The affair may also complicate the work of Attorney General Pam Bondi. Trump’s new executive order regarding the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, directs the Attorney General to decide to move forward or discontinue all current or potential foreign bribery cases involving U.S. companies, placing any Musk FCPA case squarely in front of Bondi. Legal experts told The (b)(7)(D) that the conduct alleged by Italian authorities could create FCPA liability for individuals at SpaceX, including Musk.

INSIDE AND OUTSIDE

The Italian bribery case stems from a multi-year investigation into alleged corruption in government contracting in Italy. On the inside, prosecutors allege a director of the Italian state-owned procurement corporation Sogei, Paolino Iorio, directed contracts to favored prime contractors. On the outside, prosecutors say entrepreneur Massimo Rossi ran a ring of companies who got subcontracts from the prime contracts after Rossi paid bribes to Iorio and others in the government. On 14 October 2024, Italy’s financial and tax police, the Guardia di Finanza, arrested Iorio and Rossi in the act, allegedly just as Iorio was pocketing a €15,000 bribe handed to him by Rossi. Prosecutors allege that among the subcontractors Rossi worked with was Cristiano Rufini, the CEO of IT subcontractor Olidata S.p.A.

Prosecutors allege that Rossi and Rufini had a second inside man: Italian Navy Frigate Captain Antonio Masala of the Italian Defense General Staff. Rossi, prosecutors claim, worked with Masala to rig a bid in January 2024. Masala was allegedly paid for his inside role via €1,000,000 in false invoices. Prosecutors noted that Masala’s wife also owned 4.8% of the stock of Olidata.

Italian prosecutors also allege that beginning in April 2024, Rufini and Masala sought to obtain subcontracts as part of a secret €1.5 billion ($1.55 billion) SpaceX proposal to provide Starlink secure satellite communications for Italy’s military, police, and embassies. According to Italian state broadcaster RAI and the daily Il Fatto Quotidiano, Masala approached SpaceX consultant Andrea Stroppa, who was described in court documents and multiple press reports as “Musk’s man in Italy.” Investigators allege Masala offered Stroppa inside information on the Italian government’s deliberations regarding the SpaceX proposal in exchange for a promise to name Olidata and a second company, Vipa Impianti S.r.L. as subcontractors for SpaceX. Prosecutors further claim that Masala passed Stroppa four government documents and inside information from meetings of the Italian Military Cabinet and the Ministry of Defense about the SpaceX proposal.

Masala also arranged a meeting for Stroppa in June 2024 with his commander, Lt. General Giovanni Gagliano. Gagliano, however, was suspicious of Masala’s efforts to push the Starlink case. Masala was caught on telephone intercepts discussing Gaglino’s suspicions of his advocacy for Starlink.

According to investigators, on 29 August 2024, Masala attended a meeting where he obtained a copy of a confidential Italian Foreign Ministry document regarding the evaluataion of the Starlink proposal. Prosecutors claim Masala then passed the document to Stroppa, who told allegedly told him there were 40 people waiting to review it.

Professor Maffei told The (b)(7)(D) that the charges were preliminary, and suspects would only be formally charged with a crime if the prosecution later requested indictments. Maffei explained that in Italy, the prosecution of crimes falls under the judicial branch of government. Placing Stroppa on the list of suspects, Maffei told The (b)(7)(D), allowed police to seek the warrants to obtain his phones and electronic devices.

Stroppa could not be reached for comment. A lawyer for Iorio declined to comment to The (b)(7)(D). A lawyer for Rossi did not reply to a request for comment from The (b)(7)(D).

A lawyer for Rufini, Roberto De Vita, said: “The so-called ‘Starlink file’ to date has not led to the identification of any evidence of incorrect conduct in relations with the companies of Elon Musk or Mr. Cristiano Rufini and Olidata … the professional, personal and as president of the company behavior of Mr. Rufini and his actions in institutional relations have always been characterized by transparency and fairness.”

TRUMP LAUNCHES A POLICY OF ENFORCEMENT DISCRETION

Law Professor Mike Koehler spoke with The (b)(7)(D) about how the Starlink bribery investigation could involve U.S. law. Koehler is an expert on the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, who explained that it is a federal crime for a U.S. company or individual to bribe a foreign official. Professor Koehler said that the SpaceX bribery allegations “could perhaps be an FCPA issue” because SpaceX is a U.S. company and Musk is a U.S. citizen, making SpaceX and Musk “clearly subject” to the FCPA. Professor Koehler further explained that companies like SpaceX cannot use indirect means to provide things of value to foreign officials to influence actions on their behalf.

Koehler added that for executives of U.S. companies like SpaceX, prosecutors would only need to show “conscious disregard” for the possibility that illegal exchanges with government officials were occurring. Prosecutors would not need to prove that Starlink officials directly ordered bribes to be paid. Koehler said that the key question is were any executives “aware or were willfully blind or acted with conscious disregard of the alleged conduct.”

The FCPA includes a statutory defense section that states if an action is legal in the foreign country where the alleged acts occurred, it is a defense to FCPA charges. However, when asked about this possible defense under U.S. law, Professor Maffei told The (b)(7)(D) that if Masala had turned over a confidential document to Stroppa, his actions would be illegal under Italian law. Maffei explained that the allegations were that Masala, as a public officer acting in his official capacity, revealed information he was forbidden from discussing.

Due to recent developments, any U.S.-led investigation of Stroppa, SpaceX or Musk for the alleged Starlink bribery scheme in Italy is now entirely in the hands of Trump’s Attorney General, Pam Bondi. Shortly after taking office, On 5 February, Bondi issued a memorandum on criminal prosecutions, altering the priorities of the DOJ’s criminal division to “total elimination of cartels and transnational criminal organizations.” The Bondi memorandum directed Foreign Corrupt Practices Act prosecutors to prioritize cases that involve bribery of foreign officials that facilitate “the criminal operations of Cartels and TCOs, and shift focus away from investigations and cases that do not involve such a connection.”

Days later, President Trump issued an executive order empowering Bondi to end, limit, or refuse to initiate all FCPA investigations. This would include any potential or current investigation of the allegations facing Stroppa for his work on behalf of SpaceX. Trump’s new executive order sharply limited FCPA enforcement and instituted a policy of “enforcement discretion,” placing the decision to continue any current FCPA case squarely in the hands of the Attorney General. The order imposed a 180-day moratorium on initiating FCPA investigations or enforcement actions “unless the Attorney General determines that an individual exception should be made.” The policy of enforcement discretion extended to current cases, authorizing Bondi to “review in detail all existing FCPA investigations or enforcement actions and take appropriate action with respect to such matters to restore proper bounds on FCPA enforcement and preserve Presidential foreign policy prerogatives.”

The Trump order requires Bondi to issue “updated guidelines or policies” to align FCPA enforcement with Trump’s foreign policy. All FCPA cases “initiated or continued” after the revised guidelines or policies are issued, “must be specifically authorized by the Attorney General.” This policy effectively places enforcement of every FCPA case into the hands of a political appointee, Pam Bondi, including ones involving Musk-owned companies.

Professor Koehler cautioned that Trump’s long-standing opposition to the FCPA was well-known and shared by some Democrats, including Senator Amy Klobuchar.

HI I’M ELON

In many ways, the 31-year-old Stroppa resembles the group of young programmers Musk has surrounded himself with at DOGE. As a teenager, Stroppa was arrested for participating in computer attacks carried out by Anonymous Italia. However, the 17-year-old Stroppa received a judicial pardon.

Later, as a social media and security researcher, Stroppa and a colleague uncovered large numbers of fake followers and bots on Twitter, the predecessor to Musk’s X. In an interview, Stroppa told Il Foglio that he wrote to Musk to thank him after the billionaire began citing his research on social media. Musk soon followed Stroppa on Twitter. Stroppa recounted to Il Foglio that one day his phone rang with a call from an unknown U.S. number. It was Musk, who simply said “Hi, I’m Elon.”

In the Il Foglio interview Stroppa said he is friends with the billionaire. However, Stroppa is more than a friend to Musk—Stroppa also began working for Twitter in 2022, focusing on combating child pornography after Musk bought the acquired the platform. Stroppa told Il Foglio that he now works as “an advisor for SpaceX and Starlink.” Other news reports described Stroppa as a SpaceX employee based in Rome.

Stroppa described his role at Starlink to Il Foglio: “I study projects. I talk to technicians. I talk to companies, I explain how Musk's products work and why those companies should become Starlink customers,” a group which included “Italian institutions and the state.”

In 2023 Stroppa suggested to Elon Musk that he visit Italy and arranged the billionaire’s June 2023 meeting with Prime Minister Meloni. Stroppa also accompanied Musk to Atreju, the gathering of the Fratelli d’Italia party presided over by Meloni in December 2023. A photo captured Stroppa seated with Musk and Meloni at the event.

Stroppa has been well rewarded by Musk. An unsealed June 2023 filing in a U.S. court case identifies Andrea Stroppa as one of only 100 owners of X Holdings Corp., the parent company of X.

THE PRECIOUS GENIUS

Starlink’s fortunes in Italy appear closely tied to Musk’s relationship with Meloni. On 23 September, Musk presented the Italian Prime Minister with the Atlantic Council’s Global Citizen Award in New York. Musk described Meloni as “someone who is even more beautiful inside than outside.” Meloni referred to Musk as a “precious genius.”

On 7 December 2024, Trump and Musk met with Meloni on the sidelines of a dinner in Paris hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron to celebrate the reopening of Notre Dame Cathedral. The next day Trump told the New York Post that Meloni “was great” and “had a lot of energy.”

Press reports indicate that Musk’s SpaceX first approached the Meloni government in the fall of 2023 about selling encrypted Starlink communications to the Italian government. Just days before Musk attended the December 2023 Atreju party with Stroppa and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, SpaceX representatives made a presentation to the Meloni government at Chigi Palace, the Italian Prime Minister’s official residence. The contract proposal remained secret until the Sogei case broke into the press in mid-October 2024.

A second, larger, contract proposal involved Starlink providing public satellite broadband internet to areas in Italy where fiber optic cable companies had not yet reached. The €2.5 billion contract would be funded through European Union COVID recovery funds. The Meloni government’s proposed Space Bill included a provision authorizing the allocation of government funds to satellite internet providers.

Professor Maffei told The (b)(7)(D) that Italy was making significant efforts to attract EU COVID recovery funds and that “there were a lot of “middle-men with big money in Italy” attempting to secure the funds.

PANIC AT PALAZZO CHIGI

Since the exposure of Stroppa’s connection to the Sogei scandal, the election of Donald Trump, and the rise of Musk’s DOGE, the Meloni government’s enthusiasm for Starlink communications has somewhat diminished. In December, Meloni told the press that Starlink was under consideration for the secure communications contract but denied negotiating with Musk directly. In January, Musk announced that he was ready to provide satellite services to the Italian government.

But Musk’s alliance with Trump, coupled with Trump’s favoring of Russia in the Ukraine conflict, appears to have derailed Musk’s pursuit of billions in Italian government funds. In recent weeks, the Meloni government has begun to distance itself from the Starlink broadband proposal. On 19 February, Industry Minister Adolfo Urso informed the Italian Chamber of Deputies that the Meloni government was developing a proposal for an Italian low-orbit communications network in collaboration with Italian companies.

Among those strongly opposed to allowing a foreign corporation to control the secret communications of the Italian state is Italian President Sergio Mattarella, according to reporting from Bloomberg News.

Nevertheless, on 6 March, the Italian Parliament rejected an amendment to the Space Bill proposed by the opposition Partito Democratico which would have required the Italian government to use European and Italian satellite companies to provide Italy with secure communications. After Stroppa posted on X that Matarella was blocking the deal, Musk responded to his man in Italy by saying that he would be honored to meet with the Italian President. Matarella had no comment as of Monday.

NEVER GIVE UP

As the stories about Stroppa and his relationship to Musk proliferated in the Italian press, Stroppa took to X to rally support. On 17 October 2024, at 5:02 a.m. Eastern Time, Stroppa posted a Lord of The Rings meme with the caption, “Never give up.” One minute later, Musk replied: “Never.”

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